Chukchi (Chukotko-Kamchatkan)

Mismatch: morphosyntax: antipassive

(The following is a brief account; for more detail, see here.) Chukchi has two antipassive paradigms, one formed with affix -ine- ,which is suffixed to the root, and one formed with -tku- (which is prefixed to the root in some forms and suffixed in others). These affixes are added to the regular intransitive paradigm for each TAM.

Chukchi has a number of different TAM paradigms, which inflect for person-number according to two patterns. One pattern, represented below by the present 2 (present imperfective) involves nominal suffixes, i.e. the same suffixes which mark possession on nouns, and serve as copulas in nominal predication. The other pattern is exclusively verbal. Both take antipassive affixes in the same way, though.

regular
intransitve
-ine-
antipassive
-tku-
antipassive
1SG PST 1
PRS 2
t‑...‑ɣʔek
n‑...‑iɣəm
t‑ine‑...‑ɣʔek
n‑ine‑...‑iɣəm
t‑tku‑...‑ɣʔek
n‑...‑tku‑jɣəm
1PL PST 1
PRS 2
mət‑...‑mək
n‑...‑muri
mət‑ine‑ ... ‑mək
n‑ine‑...‑muri
mət‑tku‑...‑mək
n‑...‑tku‑muri
2SG PST 1
PRS 2
‑ɣʔi
n‑...‑iɣət
ine‑...‑ɣʔi
n‑ine‑...‑iɣət
‑tku‑ɣʔi
n‑...‑tku‑jɣət
2PL PST 1
PRS 2
‑tək
n‑...‑turi
ine‑ ... ‑tək
n‑ine‑...‑turi
‑tku‑tək
n‑...‑tku‑turi
3SG PST 1
PRS 2
‑ɣʔi
n‑...‑qin
ine‑...‑ɣʔi
n‑ine‑...‑qin
‑tku‑ɣʔi
n‑...‑tku‑qin
3PL PST 1
PRS 2
‑ɣʔet
n‑...‑qinet
ine‑...‑ɣʔet
n‑ine‑...‑qinet
‑tku‑ɣʔet
n‑...‑tku‑qinet

(Spencer 2000: 210, Skorik 1977: 31, 39, 115, 118-119)

The antipassive reduces the syntactic valency of transitive verbs. In a transitive construction, the subject is the ergative case and an object in the absolutive (note that the morphology of transitive verbs is discussed in the following section):

Morɣ-ɣənan mət-wiriŋ-ərkən-et tumɣ-ət
we-ERG 1PL.SUBJ-defend-PRS 1-3PL comrade-ABS.PL
'We defend the comrades.'
(Skorik 1977: 124)

Antipassives, like all intransitives in Chukchi, take a subject in the absolutive; the original object is treated as an oblique argument.1 The two antipassive formations differ semantically, with the -tku- antipassive signalling a greater decrease in focus on the object:

-ine- antipassive
-tku- antipassive
Muri mət-ine-wiriŋ-ərkən tumɣ-etə Muri mət-wiriŋ-ətku-rkən (tumɣ-etə)
we.ABS 1PL.SUBJ-ANTIP-defend-PRS 1 comrade-ALL we.ABS 1PL.SUBJ-defend-ANTIP-PRS 1 comrade-ALL
'We defend the comrades.' 'We provide defense (for the comrades).'

Note that -tku- also serves as a denominal suffix, e.g. rəpe-tku- 'hammer (verb)' from rəpe- 'hammer (noun)' (Skorik 1977: 219).

The affixes of the transitive paradigm are listed below. The surprising fact is that a number of them are drawn from the antipassive paradigm; these are highlighted in red. Two patterns are found, one represented here by the past 1, the other by the present 2:

subject
object
1SG 1PL 2SG 2PL 3SG 3PL
1SG PST 1
PRS 2
t‑...‑ɣət
n‑ine‑...‑iɣəm
t‑...‑tək
n‑ine‑...‑iɣəm
t‑...‑ɣʔen
nine‑...‑iɣəm
t‑...‑net
n‑ine‑...‑iɣəm
1PL PST 1
PRS 2
mət‑ ... ‑ɣət
n‑ine‑...‑muri
mət‑ ... ‑tək
n‑ine‑...‑muri
mət‑ ... ‑ɣʔen
n‑ine‑...‑muri
mət‑ ... ‑net
n‑ine‑...‑muri
2SG PST 1
PRS 2
ine‑...‑ɣʔi
n‑ine‑...‑iɣət
‑tku‑ɣʔi
n‑...‑tku‑jɣət
‑ɣʔen
n‑ine‑...‑iɣət
‑net
n‑ine‑...‑iɣət
2PL PST 1
PRS 2
ine‑...‑tək
n‑ine‑...‑turi
‑tku‑tək
n‑...‑tku‑turi
‑tkə
n‑ine‑...‑turi
‑tkə
n‑ine‑...‑turi
3SG PST 1
PRS 2
ine‑...‑ɣʔi
n‑ine‑...‑qin
ne‑...‑mək
n‑...‑muri
ne‑...‑ɣət
n‑...‑iɣət
ne‑...‑tək
n‑...‑turi
‑nin
n‑ine‑...‑qin
‑nine‑t
n‑ine‑...‑qinet
3PL PST 1
PRS 2
ne‑...‑ɣəm
n‑...‑iɣəm
ne‑...‑mək
ɣe‑...‑muri
ne‑...‑ɣət
n‑...‑iɣət
ne‑...‑tək
n‑...‑turi
ne‑...‑ɣʔen
n‑...‑qin
ne‑...‑net
n‑...‑qinet
(Spencer 2000: 206-207, Skorik 1977: 61-62, 73)

The distribution of antipassive forms in the transitive paradigm is as follows:

However, even those these forms are morphologically antipassive, syntactically they remain transitive, taking an ergative subject and absolutive object:

-ine- transitive form
-tku- transitive form
Gə-nan ɣən ɣ-ena-pela-jɣət Gə-nan muri ɣa-pela-tko-jɣət
you.SG-ERG I.ABS PST 2-ANTIP-leave-2SG you.SG-ERG we.ABS PST 2-leave-ANTIP-2SG
'You left me.' 'You left us.'
(Skorik 1977: 284); note that the allomorphs -ena- and -tko- are the automatic result of vowel-harmony conditioned by the root.-induced variants of -ine- and -tku-.

References

Skorik, Piotr Ja. 1977. Grammatika čukotskogo jazyka (Part 2: Glagol, narečie, služebnie slova) . Leningrad: Nauka.

Spencer, Andrew. 2000. Agreement morphology in Chukotkan. In: Wolfgang Dressler, Oskar Pfeiffer, Markus Pöchtrager and John Rennison (eds) Morphological analysis in comparison. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 191-222.