The small class of so-called preterite present verbs have present tense forms which are morphologically (and diachronically) past tense forms.
Present and preterite (past) tenses are distinguished by a number of morphological characteristics.
The so-called preterite present verbs have present tense forms which are morphologically identical to the preterite of strong verbs. (In the preterite, they are treated as weak verbs.)
strong verb | weak verb | preterite present | |
greipan 'grip' | haban 'have' | witan 'know' | |
1SG PRS IND | greipa | haba | wait |
2SG PRS IND | greipis | habais | waist |
3SG PRS IND | greipiþ | habaiþ | wait |
1PL PRS IND | greipam | habam | witum |
2PL PRS IND | greipiþ | habaiþ | wituþ |
3PL PRS IND | greipand | haband | witun |
1DU PRS IND | greipos | habos | witu |
2DU PRS IND | greipats | habats | wituts |
1SG PRS SBJV | greipau | habau | witjau |
2SG PRS SBJV | greipais | habais | witeis |
3SG PRS SBJV | greipai | habai | witi |
1PL PRS SBJV | greipaima | habaima | witeima |
2PL PRS SBJV | greipaiþ | habaiþ | witeiþ |
3PL PRS SBJV | greipaina | habaina | witeina |
1SG PRET IND | graip | habaida | wissa |
2SG PRET IND | graipt | habaides | wisseis |
3SG PRET IND | graip | habaida | wissa |
1PL PRET IND | gripum | habaidedum | wissedum |
2PL PRET IND | gripuþ | habaideduþ | wisseduþ |
3PL PRET IND | gripun | habaidedun | wissedun |
1DU PRET IND | gripu | ||
2DU PRET IND | griputs | ||
1SG PRET SBJV | gripjau | habaidedjau | wissedjau |
2SG PRET SBJV | gripeis | habaidedeis | wissedeis |
3SG PRET SBJV | gripi | habaidedi | wissedi |
1PL PRET SBJV | gripeima | habaidedeima | wissedeima |
2PL PRET SBJV | gripeiþ | habaidedeiþ | wissedeiþ |
3PL PRET SBJV | gripeina | habaidedeina | wissedeina |
The following are the preterite presents with the most extensively preserved paradigms, illustrated with a few key forms:
witan 'know' |
kunnan 'know' |
gadaursan 'dare' |
*þaurban 'need' |
(ga)munan 'think, believe' |
*skulan 'should' |
magan 'be able' |
*ogan 'fear' |
*aigan 'have' |
|
1/3SG PRS IND | wait | kann | gadars | þarf | (ga)man | skal | mag | ōg | aih |
2SG PRS IND | waist | kan(n)t | ----- | þarft | ----- | skalt | magt | ----- | ----- |
1PL PRS IND | witum | kunnum | gadaursum | þaurbum | (ga)munum | skulum | magum | ōgum | aigum |
2PL PRS SBJV | witeiþ | kunneiþ | gadarsjau | þaurbeiþ | (ga)muneiþ | skuleiþ | mageiþ | ōgeiþ | aigeiþ |
1/3SG PRET IND | wissa | kunþa | gadaursta | þaurfta | (ga)munda | skulda | mahta | ōhta | aihta |
The patterns of vowel ablaut in the present forms of the first 6 verbs match those found in the preterites of strong verbs; thus wait ~ witum like baiþ ~ bidum 'awaited', and skal ~ skulum or þarf ~ þarbum like band ~ bundum 'bound' (note that a ~ u and a ~ au represent the same alternation: graphic au (representing /o/) is an allophone of u before root-final -r (Birkmann 1987: 93)).
The preterite is a reflex of the Indo-European perfect, a present tense (or tenseless) form typically with a stative-resultative value, and in some cases with an intensive or iterative value (Szemerényi 1989: 317). In Germanic, it developed into a simple past tense. The preterite presents presumably represent lexicalized relics of functions of the perfect which predated its development. This is fairly obvious in the case of witan 'know', related to the Indo-European root 'see' ('I have seen' = 'I know') (Birkmann 1987: 66-67); parallel formations are found in most branches of Indo-European (Jasanoff 2003: 228-233). In the case of the other verbs one can only speculate about the semantic justification for the perfect form, but in any case, plausible arguments can be made (Birkmann 1987: 68-85)
All the Germanic languages retain a distinct class of verbs that corresponds to the preterite presents, typically specialized as modals. However, the preterite presents and regular preterites have drifted apart in the modern languages. For example, in West Germanic, the preterite presents remain unaffected by certain innovations undergone by the preterites, e.g. the new 2nd singular ending -e / -i of Old English and Old High German, or the loss of singular~plural ablaut (in Modern German). In Icelandic, the vocalic portion of the preterite present endings now matches that of the normal presents. This affects the 2nd and 3rd plural: thus kunnið 'you can', kunna 'they can' like gjaldið 'you pay', gjalda 'they pay', not gulduð 'you paid', guldu 'they paid' (Enarssson 1945: 96, 103). This shows that the preterite presents are no longer morphologically derivable from the preterites.
Birkmann, Thomas. 1987. Präteritopräsentia. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.
Einarsson, Stéfan. 1945. Icelandic. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Jasanoff, Jay. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European verb. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Szemerényi, Oswald. 1989. Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenchaft. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Wright, Joseph. 1910. Grammar of the Gothic language. Oxford: Clarendon Press.