There is a lexically-marked set of verbs which are morphologically causative, but lack the semantica and syntactic characteristics of causatives.
Tunica verbs fall into three inflectionally distinct classes: stative, active and auxiliary; only the last two classes concern us. Active verbs in turn are divided into non-causative and causative. Causativization is fully productive; Haas writes '[a]ny non-causative intransitive stem may be transitivized by being transferred frm the non-causative to the causative category' (p. 46). Some examples:
non-causative | causative | |
hapa | 'stop, cease' | 'stop (something)' |
woru | 'learn' | 'show, teach' |
pihu | 'hide (oneself)' | 'hide (something)' |
le | 'disappear' | 'lose' |
kali | 'place, put, stand' | 'stand' |
hara | 'sing' | 'play (an instrument)' |
hiyu | 'awaken' | 'wake (someone) up' |
Haas also gives examples of causatives formed from impersonals, which may be intransitive, e.g. from impersonal wi 'sound', the causative may be transitive ('hear') or intranstive ('listen').
Verb inflection involves both synthetic and periphrastic forms. One of the chief distinctions between non-causative and causative inflection is that causatives use only periphrastic forms. The basic principles of the system are these:
The following fragment of the paradigm for lɔta 'run' illustrates the system:
non-causative | causative | ||
semelfactive | lɔta-wi | ti-lɔt-ʔu-ta | |
run-3SG.M | 3SG.F-run-3SG.M-cause | ||
'he ran' | 'he made her run' | ||
habitual | lɔta-ku | ti-lɔta-hk-ʔu-ta | |
run-3SG.M.HAB | 3SG.F-run-HAB-3SG.M-cause | ||
'he runs' | 'he makes her run' | ||
conditional | lɔta-w<ʔ>i | ti-lɔt-ʔu-t<ʔ>a | |
run-3SG.M<COND> | 3SG.F-run-3SG.M-cause<COND> | ||
'if he runs' | 'if he makes her run' | ||
infinitive | lɔta | ti-lɔta-ni | |
run | 3SG.F-run-CAUS | ||
'to run' | 'to make her run' | ||
past | lɔt-ʔu-hki | ti-lɔta-n-ʔu-hki | |
run-3SG.M-be | 3SG.F-run-CAUS-3SG.M-be | ||
'he has run' | 'h has made her run' | ||
directional | lɔt-ʔu-wa | ti-lɔta-n-ʔu-wa | |
run-3SG.M-go | 3SG.F-run-3SG.M-go | ||
'he went running' | 'he went making her run' | ||
directional
(with habitual) |
lɔta-hk-ʔu-wa | ti-lɔta-hk-ʔu-t- u-wa | |
run-HAB-3SG.M-go | 3SG.F-run-HAB-3SG.M-cause- 3SG.M-go | ||
'he was going running' | 'he was going making her run' |
Haas notes that there are verbs which are 'always inflected in the causative category even though their meanings do not reflect the notion of causativity'. Some are transtive (wisa 'tease', šihka 'help, aid'), and some are intransitive ( ʔuru 'whoop, shout', wira 'count'). (Transitivity is reflected in the presence or absence of object marking prefixes.) For example:
wɛranʔuʔuwani |
wɛra-n-ʔu-ʔu-wa=ani |
hunt-CAUS-REP-3SGM-go=QUOT |
'he used to go hunting' |
has all of the morphological characteristics of a regular causative, but is intransitive, and has no morphologically non-causative counterpart.
Haas, Mary R. Tunica. 1940. New York: J. J. Augustin.